Reimagining Scottish Independence as Deliberative Democracy

In Part Four of his series on deliberative democracy, Bill Johnston looks at what lessons can be learned for the campaign for independence.

Introduction

In previous articles on Scottish politics (Part 1. Part 2. Part 3.) I outlined the concepts of information literacy, informed citizenry and citizen’s assemblies in the context of deliberative democracy. In essence decision by reasoned discussion, involving a high degree of information integrity. The aim was to advocate for an engaged, critically conscious civic society in the longer term, and encourage more public participation in the shorter term. The period pre and post the May 2026 election offered an opportunity to contemplate these ideas as a usable advance on the status quo of party politics and election cycles dominated by mis/disinformation and overly influenced by powerful lobbying groups.

We are in the interregnum post May election/pre new parliamentary session. So, there is an opportunity to consider independence and deliberative democracy together. The immediate parliamentary context is a new group of MSPs and a majority of seats held by independence supporting parties, with five years to act before the next Holyrood election.

Present Conditions and Future Prospects

Reform’s success in May sharpened the Unionist forces at Holyrood and intensified the political gap between ‘left’ and ‘right’. Also Burnham’s elevation as Prime Minister has given UK politics an apparently new dynamic. Ending 40 years of neoliberalism and devolving power from central government. However Burnham’s instant rebuttal of an independence Referendum for Scotland should sharpen interest in independence.

Consequently it is reasonable to assume that a contested politics of Devolution within the UK is on the agenda for the foreseeable future. Particularly in relation to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. This prospect will include various alarms, diversions and a likely UK general election before Scotland goes to the polls for the next Holyrood election. However that should not constrain or derail discussion of independence. Although Burnham rebuffed a referendum, the historical reality of a Union under pressure may not be so easily denied.

Breaking the Cycle: Participation for Progress

What independence is and how to get there are not separate questions. We need three interrelated components to make progress: (i) deliberative democracy as the political framework to envisage and create a new nation; (ii) an informed citizenry to discuss, shape, and legitimise the transition to independence; and (iii) systematic use of representative civic platforms to develop detailed positions on issues of political economy, social wellbeing and independence itself. Together the three represent a significant and necessary advance from the current over reliance on short, intensive campaigning followed by simple vote counting as the arbiter of democratic decisions.

Citizen’s assemblies are a tried and trusted format for civic platforms and align with previous ScotGov policy on wider democratic participation. For an indication of the potential scale and scope of a programme of Citizen’s Assemblies the chapter headings in Common Weal’s ‘Sorted’ offer a guide. Clearly the proposal and choice of topics should be open to the widest range of citizen’s and should not be determined solely by MSPs or other powerful figures. An objective of creating a new social contract for Scotland within this parliament could serve as the initial unifying ambition for action. This would necessarily acknowledge the limits of Devolution to deliver a better Scotland for all.

“Developing an informed citizenry with a critical consciousness of power and inequality is an essential foundation for progress and a challenge to formal and informal education initiatives. ”

The national context for such a comprehensive political initiative includes, firstly ScotGov and Holyrood deliberations, arguably a ‘business as usual’ formation. Secondly the assertive challenge from the independence ‘movement’ – often invoked but difficult to catch hold of. This entails high profile organisations like Believe in Scotland, with its call for a National Commission of the great and the good on independence. And thirdly public rallying points like AUOB, localized forums and personal groupings where independence can be debated.

The National is the key media player with committed columnists like Lesley Riddoch, who has advocated for citizen’s assemblies, and Gerry Hassan whose range is extensive and analytical. There are also influential sources of information, opinion and ideas. Including Common Weal, Jim Osborne and the Scottish Currency Group, and Richard Murphy on economics and finance.

However there is limited evidence that SNP governments have paid attention to our ideas, preferring powerful lobbyists instead.

These positive elements work in and across various civic bubbles to constitute a form of ‘public knowledge’ about independence. This offers a critical counterpoint to the narratives of the SNP and the opposition parties at Holyrood and Westminster. The information resources generated by these contributors constitute a reservoir of Public Knowledge to help evaluate the possibility of independence, and generate new ideas of what an independent Scotland could look like and how to get there. Developing an informed citizenry with a critical consciousness of power and inequality is an essential foundation for progress and a challenge to formal and informal education initiatives.

Deliberative Democracy as a Strategy for Sovereignty

We must increase the numbers and demographic range of people discussing options for Scotland’s future to take us beyond current reliance on turnout and voting percentages at elections and one off referendums. The demographic representativeness of the Assembly model would also help widen the social span of participation. If implemented over an 18 month to two-year timeframe a programme of Assemblies would raise awareness and democratic engagement well within this Holyrood election cycle. That timeframe includes the May 2027 local elections, offering additional opportunities for debate.

We must also create a credible vehicle to bring an independent nation into being and shape the transition from the UK. I suggest the basic aim should be to press the Scottish Parliament to produce draft legislation for independence informed by citizen’s assembly work and guided by expert advice. The draft legislation would go out to consultation/amendment and then to referendum for public endorsement and final enactment.

This is a very different scenario to simply repeating the 2014 referendum process and question and doesn’t rely on Westminster for permission. In essence, the constitutional concept of the sovereign people of Scotland becomes the democratic reality of the sovereign citizenry asserting their rights, values and influence over the legislature.

Conclusion

In the years since 2014 we have made limited progress towards independence and arguably failed to learn lessons from the referendum. In 2026 Ireland is considering a Citizen’s Assembly on reunification and a blueprint for unification – can’t Scotland aspire to do the same?